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By B M Kirkaldy-Willis, W.H. Gecaga

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17. Both Williams (1977) and Chao (1987) present arguments that the ellipted constituent in Sluicing constructions requires reconstruction. Williams extends the same argument to ellipsis in NP (his 'One's Deletion'). See Williams (1986) for analysis of what appear to be violations of the variable binding conditions in (85) in Sluicing constructions. 18. This leaves open the possibility, however, that NPs can in theory undergo reconstruction, which is exactly what Chao (1987:Ch. 4) points out, citing Kempson (1986), who observes that the pronoun them in (i) probably requires reconstruction: (i) John always gives his profits to overseas aid, but Sam uses them to expand his business.

For example, the pronouns he, she, and it in (60) are all pragmatically interpreted (from Chao, 1987: p. 129). (60) [John walks into the kitchen and finds milk spilled all over the floor, and two guilty looking kids. John:] a. All right, who did it? b. He did it. c. No, I didn't. She did it. In contrast, a 'gap' does not allow a pragmatic antecedent; indeed, as we saw above, the antecedent of the gap must be contained in the previous coordinate clause. (From Hankamer and Sag, 1976): 26 (61) ELLIPSIS [Hankamer produces an orange, proceeds to peel it, and just as Sag produces an apple, says:] #And Ivan, an apple.

They Ellipsis in Government-Binding Theory 29 can also occur in coordinate or subordinate clauses separate from those containing their antecedents, as in (77): (77) Sue eats fish because/and she hates meat. Pronouns also occur across utterance boundaries, as in (78): (78) A. B. Does Sue eat fish? Yes, but she hates it. Like ellipted categories, pronouns are subject to the Backwards Anaphora Constraint; they cannot precede their antecedents unless contained in a subordinate clause: (79) a. Because she doesn't like meat, Sue ate fish.

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A short Kikuyu grammar by B M Kirkaldy-Willis, W.H. Gecaga

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