By Jessica Coon
In languages with aspect-based cut up ergativity, one part of the grammar follows an ergative development, whereas one other exhibits a "split." during this booklet, Jessica Coon argues that aspectual break up ergativity doesn't mark a cut up in how case is assigned, yet fairly, a cut up in sentence constitution. in particular, the contexts within which we discover the looks of a nonergative trend in an another way ergative language contain additional structure--a disassociation among the syntactic predicate and the stem wearing the lexical verb stem.
The e-book starts off with an research of break up individual marking styles in Chol, a Mayan language of southern Mexico. the following visual appeal of break up ergativity follows certainly from the truth that the revolutionary and the imperfective morphemes are verbs, whereas the perfective morpheme isn't really. the truth that the nonperfective morphemes are verbs, mixed with autonomous houses of Chol grammar, leads to the looks of a split.
This ebook additional surveys aspectual splits in quite a few unrelated languages and gives a proof for the common directionality of cut up ergativity: in splits, ergativity is usually retained within the perfective element. Following Laka's (2006) notion for Basque, Coon proposes that the cross-linguistic tendency for imperfective features to trend with locative structures is answerable for the biclausality which motives the looks of a nonergative development. construction on Demirdache and Uribe-Etxebarria's (2000) prepositional account of spatiotemporal family members, Coon proposes that the perfective is rarely periphrastic--and hence by no means contains a split--because there is not any preposition in ordinary language that properly captures the relation of the assertion time to the event time denoted through the perfective element.
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Additional resources for Aspects of Split Ergativity
MAYAN BACKGROUND AND CLAUSE STRUCTURE [ 27 ] or adjectival. . ” (1973, 108) See also Coon 2004 and chapter 3 for a discussion of the classiﬁcation of roots and stems in Chol. 1 above. ” In the perfective, the status suﬃx always involves a ﬁnal vowel, which I propose below to be an instantiation of a verbal v0 head. I argue in chapter 4 that the nonperfective stems that lack these suﬃxes are formally nominal. 2. In addition to the transitive, intransitive, and positional roots given above, I include a discussion of the class of so-called nonroot transitive stem formation, a class of derived transitive stems present throughout the Mayan family.
Bele k’in˜ mi i-majl-el tyi Salto. ’ In addition to a habitual or generic interpretation, like in (27) and (28), clauses marked with mi can receive future interpretations, often based on context or through the addition of the prospective particle keje or ke, ´ derived from the intransitive kejel ‘to begin’ (V´azquez Alvarez 2002). MAYAN BACKGROUND AND CLAUSE STRUCTURE [ 41 ] (29) a. Ijk’¨al mi k-p¨ak’ bu`ul. ’ b. Mi keje k-p¨ak’ bu`ul. ’ Progressive The progressive marker is cho˜nkol in the Tila dialect and woli in the Tumbal´a dialect.
Nonperfective aspect markers are discussed in more detail below. [ 46 ] Complementation in Chol Internal arguments of transitives show the same behavior as intransitive (unaccusative) subjects: ﬁrst and second person objects are marked with -o˜n and -ety, as in (38a), while third person NPs trigger no verbal morphology, as in (38b). (38) ˜ x-k’al¨al. a. ’ ˜ alob. b. ’ In a nominative-accusative language like English the two basic types of internal arguments—transitive objects (P) and intransitive subjects (S)— show diﬀerent behavior with respect to licensing and morphology.
Aspects of Split Ergativity by Jessica Coon